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Review - "Discovering the Scottish Revolution 1692 - 1746" Neil Davidson

Neil Davidson's book on the origins of the bourgeois revolution in Scotland has proved controversial. In the first of two articles on the subject in this issue of Frontline, John Jamieson from Govan SSP, reviews the book.

Since Neil Davidson's book has caused such reaction from areas in the Scottish Socialist Party, I think it is prudent to set out my background. I originate from a mining village on the outskirts of Edinburgh, Newcraighall where my family were involved in mining the coal pits for generations. My grandfather, whose mining medallion I still wear, was involved in the 1926 General Strike and a member of the Communist Party. I am not an archetypal dewy-eyed nationalist. I draw inspiration from the Red Clydesiders and John MacLean and was educated in socialism by Militant in the early 1980's.

Davidson's book is a worthy starting point work for an intellectual discussion on the development of capitalism and the attitude towards the national question in Scotland. Although the well-researched work itself focuses on the bourgeois revolution between 1692-1746, the position of the Socialist Worker Platform on the national question is set out clearly together with alternative positions, which the author also tackles.

His current work cannot therefore be divorced from his previous work the "Origins of Scottish Nationhood" in which he asserts that "there was no collective notion of Scottish identity before 1707… This is a controversial, revisionist history which will inform many of the contemporary debates on nationalism" (1). I believe this to be a flawed analysis of the fragile relationships that united Scotland prior to 1707. It is inescapable that Scotland was united as a single Nation under Robert the Bruce, whereas previously it had been a country divided between Norman lords (possessing estates in England and Scotland), Celts (Highlands) and Scots (Strathclyde to Northumbria). There were also a number of shared ties with Ireland. All this is well-documented, with John Prebble's narrative history "The Lion in the North" perhaps the most accessible account. A point I do agree with is that a revisionist view of Scottish history was launched by Sir Walter Scott in the 19th Century. This did not reinforce a false sense of nationhood, however. Rather it transformed the vitality and reality of Scottish culture into a quaint Edinburgh High Street shortbread tin/marketable tartan image (see "The Kings Jaunt" - John Prebble).

In a style that I certainly recognise from the works of Tony Cliff and Ted Grant, Neil sets out his case. 1) His interpretation of events as a scientific socialist. 2) Highlighting authors who might disagree with his position. 3) Supporting his interpretations systematically while dealing with these other opinions.

I acknowledge that this is a significant work where the scientific application has been generally applied well. There are flaws, however, that in no small way, impact on the National question in Scotland. In particular, a solely economic reflection on the period deflects attention from the reality of the consciousness that existed in Scotland then and today. Marx never intended his scientific analysis or historical materialist examination of development to divorce economic relations from social consequences. "in Scotland , where the nobility enriched themselves , in favour of the nobility - in either case it was interpreted in a sense hostile to the people" (2). Here, Marx indicates that social consequences inherent in class contention.

There are a number of areas in the book I find questionable and particularly his writing off of the significance of Scottish highland clans*. Neil characterises clans as being a form of martial feudalism with a tendency towards lawlessness. This does not recognise any economic distinctions between the clan structure and the basic feudal structure. A number of historians have recognised that the clans did depart from the normal feudal structures and bore characteristics of tribal organisation where the "right of Chiefs and fine** to protect and administer justice to their clans was deemed a personal, but hereditary, authority that constituted their duthchas… most appropriately translated as their exercise of trusteeship" (3). The economics within clans did not represent those within a feudal estate in that a "pronounced feature of redistributive exchange within the clan was the provision of food through provender rents in return for hospitality from the fine" (4).

The highlands cannot be divorced from the development of economic relations in Scotland. The association of clans "with militarism, violence and endemic lawlessness should not be accepted uncritically" (5). A criminal High Court of Justiciary was only introduced in 1671 meaning that central government in Scotland was inadequately organised to ensure state authority in this important area. It was the clans who had judicial administration to deal with lawlessness.

On the other hand, Neil Davidson's economic analysis brings crystal clarity to the English state's direct intervention and the Act of Union of 1707. Neil sets out precisely why the English state, in which the bourgeoisie was consolidating its position, could not allow Scotland, weakened by the Darien disaster***, to be the conduit by which France could exert its imperial interests over England. English fears were heightened at the time by the possibility that Louis XIV may have "succeeded in pressing his claim to the Spanish Crown" (6) creating a major military and economic enemy.

Scottish lowland economics is reasonably and accurately described. Undoubtedly, the structure was coming together for Scotland to have its own bourgeois revolution. This was illustrated by the emergence of the "Cameronian's". These forces were not fully developed, however, and were overtaken by the Act of Union 1707 which grafted the social forms of the English nourgeois revolution onto the Scottish economy. Here I believe Neil deals too harshly with Allan Armstrong's interpretation of the role of the Cameronian's. Again this reflects Neil's hitherto well-documented views on the National Question. Unfortunately, his persistence on this matter does detract from what would otherwise be a work of some authority.

Neil's arguments that Scotland was the "vanguard of the British Empire" (8) are also questionable. Of course in a class society, there is the clear distinction between the capitalist class and the working class. Therefore the fact that some in Scottish Society benefited from Empire is certain. Neil indicates that Queen Anne's negative response to a rather desperate and wasteful (of lives) endeavour in Martinique (9) and the fact that 20% of British army Colonels were Scots indicates that Scottish soldiers were treated equitably. In my opinion, it indicates that throwing away 10,000 lives would be a great waste. What is more, consistently placing Scottish regiments to the fore during critical battles for British imperialism recalls the experience of black soldiers in the US army in Vietnam. Viewed by black americans as an integral part of 300 years of oppression - a necessary military commodity, but the most expendable one.

Unfortunately, I cannot agree that the bourgeois revolution from above ended in Scotland in 1746. In Neil's assessment he discounts the Clearances by characterising the consolidation of the bourgeois revolution in the highlands as being illustrative of a struggle between "the highlands and the rest of Scotland and England" (10). The convenience of reducing the clearances in Scotland to a cleaning up exercise in a region of Britain is to massively underestimate the social impact this had on the people's of Scotland. The brutal repression of the 1745 rebellion, the passing of laws attacking clan culture culminating in the clearances where clan culture was over a long period decimated had a huge effect on people's consciousness.

By playing down this event Davidson misses the reason why the national question has become an issue today. An event which marked the end of clan culture - brought on because of the accumulation of capital and involving the movement of a high number of discontented highland people into the industrialised lowlands (together with a contingent of equally discontented people from Ireland, all economic migrants of the British state, many sharing a dislike of English interventionism into their cultures) was always a recipe for fuelling a nationalist movement.

These historical developments also had an impact on the emerging Marxist movement in Scotland. John MacLean's family originated from the highlands and James Connolly was born in Leith, Edinburgh to Irish parents. The fact that both are now iconic figures for socialists and some nationalists can be understood in the context of these developments. These events have come together to have a profound effect on people in Scotland today and must be weighed up in order to fully understand the National Question in Scotland.

Undoubtedly, this is a discussion that will run and run. I believe that socialists should read Neil Davidson's book because in doing so they will understand why one of the platforms in the SSP appears to be out of sorts with the policy of the party. Additionally in exploring different views on a critical policy of the SSP we can better understand where our party originates from.

Notes

* A'Chlann/the Clan - literally the children
** fine - Clan elite
*** Darien - Scotland's disastrous attempt to establish a colony and compete as an international power.

References

1. Back Sleeve Cover Note 'The Origins of Scottish Nationhood' - Neil Davidson
2. Page 55 - 'Ireland and the Irish Question Marx/Engels' from Marx - ELECTIONS - FINANCIAL CLOUDS - THE DUTCHESS OF SUTHERLAND AND SLAVERY, Progress 3. Publishers
3. Page 3 - 'Clanship Commerce and the House of Stewart', Allan Macinnnes
4. Page 20 - Ibid
5. Page 30 - Ibid
6. Page 106 - 'Discovering the Scottish Revolution 1692 - 1746', Neil Davidson
7. Page 291 - Ibid
8. Page 9 - Scottish Socialist Voice Book Review by Joe Hartney
9. Pages 165-166 - 'Discovering the Scottish Revolution'
10. Page 175 - Ibid

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